|
Drug Watch International DRUG WATCH WORLD NEWS
ALASKA:
ABOUT MONEY AND DOPE, NOT HEMP AND ROPE! On November 7, 2000, Alaskan voters resoundingly defeated an initiative that would have made Alaska’s marijuana laws the most permissive in the nation. In 1990, Alaskans voted to recriminalize marijuana after 15 years of lax laws that allowed adults “personal use of four ounces” of the drug. During those 15 years, Alaska’s youth used marijuana at TWICE the national average. In 1998, a misguided “medical marijuana” initiative re-opened the issue. Encouraged by their success, legalizers proposed a marijuana initiative in 2000 that even High Times, the drug culture magazine, called “far-reaching.” The initiative, had it passed, would have been devastating to Alaska in terms of increased drug use, increased addiction, increased vehicle accidents, increased workplace accidents, and crime. Many people said it was too crazy to pass; however, some Alaskans were aware of the flood of "outside" money that would be spent to influence the passage. Our young people, ages 18 to 20, were already being recruited to sign up young voters who were anxious to smoke pot openly. To fight back, we gathered Alaskans leaders who had been instrumental in the success of the recriminalization vote of 1990, including key law enforcement officers, treatment people, attorneys, educators, media consultants, and many of the original grassroots parents’ organizations. The “No On 5” network was established to defeat the initiative. The coalition wrote the “Opposition Statement” in the voter booklet and created model informational and publicity pieces that could be used statewide by various groups and organizations. We developed a “Point of View/Opinion” article for newspapers across the state, "talking point" pieces, and informational handouts to be used when speaking to groups. A sample resolution was passed by several organizations. We created a statewide pamphlet that explained in outline form the exact points of the measure. This pamphlet included a list of influential Alaskans and prominent organizations within the state that endorsed the defeat of this ballot measure. We created a "Vote No On 5. Stop the Legalization of Marijuana." poster that was heavily used and became an ongoing newspaper print ad. Specific people were designated within our group to be the spokespersons for all media requests. Interviews with the "other" side often revealed the truly obnoxious parts of the initiative. This benefited "our" side and was a great way to educate the public. Our media information was directed to the "wolf in sheep's clothing." We emphasized that this vote was really about the
legalization of marijuana. Even
though "Hemp2000" was the title on the ballot measure, this
measure was not about hemp and rope, but about money and dope! We were outspent approximately seven to one. Several “outside” individuals contributed large funds to support the initiative. Many of the individuals working for its passage within the state were not even Alaskans, but had been imported from the lower 48 states. Ballot measure 5 was not drafted by Alaskans, was not funded by Alaskans, was not paid for by Alaskans, and was not promoted by Alaskans! But it was Alaskans who won with the initiative’s defeat! We anticipate that the legalizers will try again in 2002,
and the “No On 5” network is gearing up for the fight.
Alaskans' common sense prevailed over outside interests and their money
in 2000, and we’ll do it again! Ours
was a victory for all Alaskans and a victory for the rest of the world as well.
In
1995, criminal justice officials in Spokane County, Washington, secured a grant
from the United States Department of Justice to establish and maintain a Drug
Court project for two years. The
project was an alternative to incarceration for nonviolent, drug-dependent
individuals who were neither gang related nor offenders involved with drug
deliveries. This
is a county of 400,000 residents who expect their criminal justice system to
deliver when it comes to keeping the streets safe. To reflect community values, the program was planned by a
team that included the prosecuting attorney, the county commissioners, law
enforcement, the Washington State Department of Corrections, the courts, the
public defender, and treatment providers. The
focus of the program was to address the reason for criminal behavior and provide
a positive reason to eliminate the underlying motivation. Accountability
is the keystone of our criminal justice system.
Community values and public safety must be juxtaposed on a
participant’s recovery. The
planners established an ambitious public education component to overcome the
"Soft-On-Crime" tag that is often pinned on such efforts.
The prosecuting attorney was given the responsibility for developing
screening criteria and had final veto authority over all offenders who opted
into the program. The
team concept includes a prosecuting attorney and public defender in
non-traditional, non-adversarial roles. The
program integrates a full-time community corrections officer to be the eyes and
ears of the court in the community. Through the use of consent and waiver forms, this officer is
at liberty to visit clients in their homes and/or in their workplaces at any
time. The officer assists the individual in finding work, securing a driver's
license, finding housing, and avoiding counterproductive relationships and
situations. The program also
includes alternatives, such as acupuncture, a secured bed at detox, a
work-release program for those who are sentenced, space at a women's program,
dental and health care, and a variety of treatment options. This
all comes with a price. Relapse and
failure require payment to the piper. The
judge, who is the centerpiece of the program, plays that pipe.
A series of graduated sanctions for transgressions range from an
admonition through steps including community service, home monitoring, work
release, jail terms, and expulsion. Accountability
is the linchpin. Success, which
includes full and clean compliance for the four-month period prior to graduation
of the normal one-year program, results in dismissal of the case.
Failure and expulsion leave the client in the same position he would have
been in had he plead guilty or been found guilty following a trial.
How
has it worked? For the average
felon, it is much easier to do a few months in jail than to complete this
program. For those who truly wish
to get clean, or are tired of the drug life, this is the ticket.
It requires some motivation for one to successfully complete the program,
and often, the challenge to those who administer the program is to provide the
necessary motivation. Graduates
of the program are monitored for five years.
From January 1, 1996, through December 31, 2000, our recidivism rate was under
seven percent. Compared to
the national figure of recidivism for non-treated drug-related offenders of over
80 percent, our rate demonstrates the success of the drug court program. Of
those who initially entered the program and subsequently were removed or dropped
out, the recidivism rate has been only 18 percent.
Even those who fail to complete the program take with them some
fundamental values and tools that enable them to make better choices in society. The
lowered cost of prosecution and incarceration of these offenders was a tangible
benefit. The total net savings to
the taxpayers was $568,988 less program costs, for the first 27 months. While
monetary considerations are a strong argument for consideration of the drug
court concept, accountability, rehabilitation, and elimination of reasons for
criminal behavior are more desirable goals. When we are asked to "clean up the streets,"
"eliminate the drug problem," and "save the taxpayers'
money," drug courts are a great method of addressing these demands. The
program has been expanded to those whose crimes were motivated by drug use, such
as bad checks, vehicle prowling, third-degree theft, and any other nonviolent
minor crimes which were, in fact, a vehicle for the securing of funds to buy
drugs. When small deliveries of
drugs are made for the purpose of retaining a portion of the drug to support
one's own habit, the offender, or “middler,” may be considered eligible for
the drug court program. This
program has grown from an experiment funded by the federal government to a
permanent and integral part of the Spokane County Criminal Justice System funded
by the county and the state. Its
success has been demonstrated, and we find participants reunited with family,
employed, legally driving automobiles, paying taxes, and becoming full-time
citizens of our county as a result of their participation in the drug court
program. While the program is not
for everyone, for those motivated individuals who know that it is time to clean
up their lives, this is an excellent opportunity. Judge James M. Murphy currently serves as the president of the Superior
Court Judges Association in Washington State and is co-chair with the Chief
Justice of
Alcohol Ecstasy Marijuana and Cocaine Drug Watch has chronicled the dangers of alcohol, Ecstasy, marijuana, and cocaine often, but it doesn’t hurt to review. Alcohol quickly distorts judgment and coordination in teenagers, and teens become alcohol-dependent five times faster than adults. Ecstasy forces brain cells to disgorge their serotonin in a rush leaving the user dehydrated, feverish, depressed, and with uncontrollable teeth clenching. Scores of teens have died using Ecstasy. Marijuana increases schizophrenia by a factor of four to six,1 disorients the user, causes psychotic reaction, panic anxiety, hallucinations, reproductive cellular disruption, and cancer. Brain scans done by Dr. Sabah Tumeh at Harvard show golf-ball sized dead zones in the brains of young cocaine users,2 and cocaine users are 62 times more likely to commit suicide.3 Presumably, adult enablers are permissive out of ignorance, rather than because of a lack of love for the children in their lives. Those who understand the dangers of teen alcohol and other drug use need to spread the word. Parents and caregivers need to stick with their children and help them find better things to do, i.e., sports, games, field trips, library and computer activities and drug-free parties and get-togethers. Finally, adults need to advocate by making a lot of noise in their communities where schools and police are looking the other way, in their states where legalizers are pushing initiatives to make drugs easily available to any age group, and nationally to argue for tough anti-drug measures in Congress. (1)
National Institutes of Health – Schizophrenia Bulletin, Vol. 23, Nov.2,
1997, page 221. Swedish Conscripts,
Lancet 1987;2:1483-86. Global
Demand Reduction Efforts on Drugs Drug
“demand reduction” refers to efforts to reduce worldwide use and abuse of,
and demand for, narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.
Unlike “supply reduction,” which focuses on law enforcement
activities to suppress or disrupt production and distribution of drugs,
“demand reduction” seeks reduction of abuse directly through prevention
and treatment. The need for
demand reduction is obvious, since escalating drug use and abuse continue to
take a devastating toll on the health, welfare, security, and economic
stability of all nations. As a
result, foreign countries are increasingly requesting technical and other
assistance from the U. S. government to address their demand problems, citing
long-term U.S. experience and efforts in this area.
Such assistance can play an important role in helping to preserve the
stability of societies threatened by increasing drug abuse. The
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) demand
reduction strategy integrates a broad spectrum of initiatives that include: – bilateral training and technical assistance to prevent the onset of use; intervention at “critical decision points” in the lives of vulnerable populations to prevent both first use and further use, – improve effective treatment programs for the addicted, – broaden education and increase public awareness of the deleterious consequences of drug use/abuse, – coalition building to mobilize the international community, – research on the effectiveness of these and other programs. RITALIN
NEEDS SCRUTINY Ritalin is widely used for the treatment of a specific behavioral syndrome known as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Eleven million prescriptions for Ritalin are written annually, primarily for school-age children. However, Ritalin (methylphenidate) is a drug that has many long-term physical consequences for those who take it and considerable potential for abuse. Most medical experts agree that ADHD is a biochemical disturbance of the brain that causes inappropriate hyperactivity, impulsive behavior, inattention, and other symptoms. What causes this condition has not been determined, and there is no simple diagnostic test, but the majority of experts feel that ADHD exists in 2-4 percent of the population.(1) Behaviors associated with ADHD are also commonly observed in children who have no brain disease. In fact, the vast majority of children who display one or more of these behaviors have neither ADHD nor a brain chemical abnormality. The biochemical basis of ADHD is thought to be due to an
insufficiency of brain neurotransmitters such as dopamine, which are increased
by the use of Ritalin. Similar
behavioral syndromes in animal models have been modified by medications that
increase dopamine and another prominent brain chemical, serotonin.(2) Stimulant drugs are dangerous. A prospective study suggests that the use of stimulants to treat disorders in childhood predisposes them to cocaine use in young adulthood.(3) A controlled study showed that children diagnosed with ADHD had a nine percent risk of developing psychotic illnesses when treated with stimulants as opposed to a control group who were not treated with stimulants and who developed no symptoms.(4) Ritalin and other stimulants can cause growth retardation, depression, and obsessive-compulsive disorder. In animal studies, permanent brain damage has occurred.(2) Thus, while stimulants suppress autonomous and spontaneous behaviors that are often viewed as abnormal, the drugs can also impair cognitive function. There is no evidence that Ritalin improves learning or academic performance. It simply changes behavior, a change seen by lay observers as evidence of a therapeutic effect. It must be stressed that response to Ritalin therapy does not imply that ADHD was present. Data from recent studies suggest that children are often medicated for behavioral characteristics that are not ADHD, exposing them to the risks of the drug with no benefit. In fact, those who study this field have found that as many as 10 to 15 percent of children in grades second through fifth receive ADHD medication without any verification that they have the abnormality.(5,6) What makes the use of methylphenidate (Ritalin) particularly worrisome is its ability to increase brain dopamine levels and the possible effect of dopamine concentrations on future behavior and neurological function. Frequent side effects of methylphenidate use include high blood pressure, rapid heart rate, insomnia, nervousness, and loss of appetite. Less frequent side effects (one to two percent of patients) in most studies include headaches, dizziness, nausea, abdominal pain, weight loss, rash, hives, and cardiac arrhythmias. It is also well known that those who use Ritalin are predisposed to the development of tics. Methylphenidate (Ritalin) and cocaine bind to the same dopamine receptor and compete for binding sites in the brain. When used intranasally or intravenously, Ritalin can induce a sensation of euphoria and a high. Oral use for prolonged periods can also cause "highs."(2) Methylphenidate has been thought to have a much lower abuse potential than cocaine; however, the fact that it is taken regularly on a prescription basis may make it just as dangerous. The diversion of Ritalin to the street as an illicit drug of abuse has become a major concern. Data supporting this include the large number of prescriptions written for Ritalin and its frequent appearance in illicit drug situations. Ritalin is a "cousin" of methamphetamine and when taken for behavioral abnormalities can have long-term effects similar to methamphetamine. In summary, while Ritalin can have a distinct use for
children with a specific type of behavioral abnormality based on brain chemical
disturbances, in the absence of such abnormality giving it could be dangerous.
Unfortunately, the behavioral abnormalities for which Ritalin is often
prescribed are frequently diagnosed by teachers and parents who pressure
physicians into prescribing it to improve class behavior instead of using it to
treat a specific illness. At the same time, children who potentially could
benefit from this drug are not being diagnosed, nor are they being offered the
psychiatric support that makes this type of treatment most effective when the
drug is correctly prescribed and used. While
the drug can be beneficial for treatment of ADHD, extreme caution should be
exercised to make sure that this drug is not inappropriately prescribed or
diverted for illicit use. REFERENCES 2. Challman TD,
Lipsky JJ. Methylphenidate: Its pharmacology and uses. Mayo Clin Proc 2000;
75:711-721. 3. Cherland E,
Fitzpatrick R. Psychotic side effects of psychostimulants: A 5-year review. Can
J Psychol 1999; 44:811-813. 4. Lambert NM,
Hartsough CS. Prospective study of tobacco smoking and substance dependencies
among samples of ADHD and non-ADHD participants. J Learn Disability 1998;
31:533-544. 5. Marshall E. Duke
study faults overuse of stimulants for children. Science 2000; 289:721. 6. Carey WB. What the multimodal treatment study of children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder did and did not say about the use of methylphenidate for attention deficits. Pediatrics 2000; 105:863-864.
The purpose of mandatory minimum sentences is to prevent
the judicial trivialization of serious drug crimes. They do that well, to which some object. Before the advent of mandatory minimum sentences in serious
drug cases, federal judges had unbridled discretion to impose whatever sentences
they deemed appropriate, in their personal view, up to the statutory maximum.
Because individual judges differ widely in their personal views about
crime and sentencing, the sentences they imposed for similar offenses by similar
defendants varied widely. What some
judges treated as serious offenses, and punished accordingly, others minimized
with much more lenient sentences. When
serious crime becomes routine, there is human tendency to treat it routinely,
and sentences often drop accordingly. While the ideal is that sentences be perfectly personalized
by wise, prudent, and consistent judges to fit every individual defendant and
crime, the reality is that judges are human, and their wide human differences
and perspectives lead to widely different sentences, if given completely
unbridled discretion. Such wide disparity in sentencing is inherently unfair.
But such inconsistency was welcomed by drug dealers, since it meant they
could hope for a light sentence for serious drug crimes. Drug dealers are risk takers by nature.
Lack of certainty of serious sentences for serious crimes encourages,
rather than deters, such risk takers to elevate their level of criminal activity
in the hope that, if caught, they will be lucky enough to draw a lenient judge
and receive a lenient sentence. The
only possible deterrence for people who are willing to take extreme risks is to
remove their cause for hope for leniency. Some counter that drug dealers are undeterrable by criminal
sanctions because they sell drugs to support their own addictions; however, most
dealers and distributors at any substantial level do not use drugs themselves,
or do so infrequently. They are
exploiters and predators, and users are their captive prey.
Drug dealing is a business. As
in any other business, drug addicts are unreliable and untrustworthy, especially
around drugs, and so make poor business partners.
Because drug dealers usually run their operations as high-risk
businesses, they necessarily weigh those risks carefully, and so are deterrable
when the risks become too high. Many
dealers who used to carry firearms, for example, now avoid doing so when they
are selling drugs due to the high mandatory federal penalties when guns and
drugs are mixed. However, drug dealers seldom view the risks as too high
when they see reason to hope for a light sentence.
Congress stepped in to take away that hope. By establishing mandatory minimum sentences for serious drug
offenses, Congress sent a clear message to drug dealers: no matter who the judge
is, serious crime will get you serious time. To those who do not view crimes subject to mandatory
minimum sentences as serious, including drug dealers and their support systems,
that message is objectionable. To
most, it is welcome. Mandatory
minimum sentences put steel in the spine of our criminal justice system. In the case of marijuana, those who oppose mandatory minimum sentencing on so-called “humanitarian” grounds seldom mention that, to be eligible for even a five-year minimum sentence, a defendant must be convicted of an offense involving at least 100 kilograms (220 pounds) of marijuana, or, in the case of a marijuana-growing operation, at least 100 plants. Such defendants are not low-level offenders. It would be difficult to describe any offense involving between $130,000 to $440,000 worth of drugs as undeserving of even a five-year prison sentence. Yet, those who oppose mandatory minimum sentences for marijuana and other drug offenses do just that, usually by attempting to convey the false impression that the criminals they are attempting to protect are only low-level offenders. The debate, it would seem, should be about whether the mandatory minimum penalties for marijuana offenses are currently too lenient, not too harsh. Ultimately, whether the effect of mandatory minimum sentences is good or bad depends upon how seriously one views marijuana use. If a person believes a sentence of five years is too harsh for growing 100 marijuana plants capable of producing at least $28,600 and more likely $130,000 worth of marijuana, or distributing 220 pounds of marijuana worth a wholesale price of at least $132,000 and retail price of at least $286,000, the mandatory minimum sentences for marijuana should be abolished. If, however, a five-year sentence for such crimes seems reasonable, or even lenient, the mandatory minimums should be retained, and perhaps toughened. There is no doubt about on which side of that question the
marijuana growers, dealers, users, and their supporters stand.
There is also little room to doubt on which side those who take marijuana
crimes seriously should stand. The full text of this article includes footnotes and a
discussion of why mandatory minimum sentences are necessary in order for
Congress to control the federal Sentencing Guidelines.
You are encouraged to view the complete article on Mandatory Minimum Sentences. David Risley is an Assistant United States Attorney in the Central District of Illinois, where he serves as the Lead Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force Attorney over that district’s 46 counties. Prior to becoming a federal prosecutor 17 years ago, he served as a state prosecutor in Champaign County, Illinois. He received a Bachelor of Science degree in finance and urban economics from the University of Illinois in 1975 and graduated with honors from the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University in 1981.
The latest scientific research
provides irrefutable proof of the molecular mechanism of cannabis toxicity.
The active ingredient of this drug, THC (tetrahydrocannabinol), has the
capacity to permanently impair reproductive and immune system
functions by the inhibition of DNA formation in sperm cells and cells of the
immunity system (lymphocytes). These
findings were reported as early as 1974 in the journal “Science.”
This irreversible impairment of DNA in germ cells by cannabis has been demonstrated in studies reported in 12 chapters of Marihuana and Medicine. Also described in this publication are the latest molecular studies proving that THC targets sperm cells, producing their early degeneration. All these observations made on eight animal species, including man, report a decrease in sperm production and an increase of abnormal forms. The alterations of sperm production by THC have been linked to the mechanism of early apoptosis of sperm cells. The term “apoptosis,” the process by which cell death occurs in successive stages, did not exist 25 years ago, but nonetheless we identified the particular phenomenon of “programmed” cell death, an irreversible biological phenomenon. It took a long time to understand the mechanism through which THC, absorbed in minute amounts, succeeds in interrupting the life cycle of a cell. Many scientists did not understand how fractions of milligrams of THC could cause such serious damage as apoptosis. The concentration of biologically active drugs like THC must be expressed in molecules, according to Avogadro’s Law. Only in this way can we account for the number of receptor molecules to which the THC molecule binds. The development of apoptosis
caused by THC is directly related to storage of this drug in fat depots such as
cell membranes and bone marrow. After
a single dose of marihuana, 50 percent of its active element, THC, will be
stored in fat depots for five days. THC
accumulates in the body, and it will take 30 days for complete elimination of
THC after a single dose. If one
takes marihuana every two days, one will have stored 10 times more than the
initial dose after 10 days and after 30 days, 30 times more. Noting
that DNA is the sole vehicle for the evolution of the human species, some
specialists in international law have suggested that drug trafficking and the
condoning of drug consumption be considered crimes against mankind, since drug
dealers and their network of associates achieve wealth and political power
through advocating the use of substances that destroy DNA.
Dr. Gabriel George Nahas is a peer-reviewed researcher and research professor of anesthesiology, New York Medical Center; professor of anesthesiology (Emeritus), College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University; adjunct professor, University of Paris, Faculty of Medicine; and director of research, INSERN, Paris. He is the author of over 700 scientific publications, 27 books, and numerous monographs.
Why the distribution of heroin was nevertheless established as an
acknowledged treatment in Switzerland is, therefore, incomprehensible. At the start of the heroin trials, the International Narcotics Control
Board of the United Nations in Vienna expressed considerable reservation and
concern. In 1994, the board
requested the Swiss Federal Council to have the trials checked for their
scientific integrity. The euphoric
reports of success that appeared in the press while the trials were still in
progress gave rise to skepticism among many doctors concerning scientific
integrity. In fact, the distribution of heroin has permanent, undesirable
consequences. The established
treatments of addiction with proven efficacy were repudiated, thus the treatment
and rehabilitation of drug addicts became more difficult; science capitulated to
pressure from the Swiss media and from a few trial leaders and politicians; and
about 50 million CHF (Swiss francs) of taxpayers’ money was squandered for
these trials. The assessment of these trials by independent WHO experts is both
embarrassing and humiliating for the trial leaders. In spite of the unscientific working method, and in spite of
U.N. International Narcotics Control Board recommendations to the contrary, the
trial leaders are traveling all over the world, propagating the trials’
success, against all reason, and recommending that other countries introduce the
distribution of heroin to addicts. Scientific integrity and scientific procedures presuppose a high level
of ethics and standards, which must be maintained and must not serve merely as a
cloak for ultimate political aims. Our
wish is to guarantee drug addicts effective treatment in accordance with
acknowledged medical standards. Hans Koppel, M.D., Swiss Physicians Against Drugs (The above article is taken from the Forward to “International Criticism of the Swiss Heroin Trials,” 1999. Copies of the booklet in English are available from Drug Watch World News, P.O. Box 318, Carlinville, Illinois 62626 U.S.A.)
INTERNATIONAL
NEWS BRIEFS References available on request. Inhalants
can produce a variety of deleterious effects – including reduced vision and
hearing, impaired movement, and lowered cognitive ability, sometimes to the
point of dementia – by stripping the protective myelin sheath from brain
fibers; Cocaine
causes repeated microscopic strokes in the brain, leading to dead spots in the
brain’s nerve circuitry; Methylenedioxymethamphetamine
(MDMA) damages serotonin-producing neurons, which play a direct
role in regulating aggression, mood, sexual activity, sleep, and sensitivity
to pain; Methamphetamine
amplifies apoptosis – the normal process by which the brain culls defective
cells – to the point where it also eliminates healthy cells. Meth can cause a syndrome marked by uncontrollable tremors
similar to those seen in Parkinson’s disease. NIDA
Notes, Vol. 15, No. 4; September 2000.
“We,
the experts, who have been treating drug addicts for over 20 years, and seeing
daily the devastating effects of the drug epidemic, cannot ever agree with the
stupidity of ‘drugs legalization.’ It
is catastrophic enough now; we do not want it worse.” Jose Carranza, M.D.,
Clinical Professor of Psychiatry, Texas Health Sciences Center
A recent
study of medical claims data from a database for 1.5 million people with
health care coverage provided by 70 large corporations found that, when
compared to those without a diagnosed substance-abuse problem, alcohol abusers
were twice as likely, drug abusers were three times as likely, and
alcohol-and-drug abusers were almost four times as likely to be hospitalized
for an injury during the three years examined.
Each year, substance abuse costs businesses at least $10 billion in
absenteeism, injuries, medial liability, and health care costs. (Ted
R. Miller, PH.D., et.al., “Alcoholism: Clinical & Experimental
Research,” Jan. 2001.)
On
February 1, 2001, psychologists warned that cannabis [marijuana] is not the
harmless recreational drug many users think it is, but a dangerous substance
that can cause paranoia, psychosis, severe anxiety, and panic.
Professor Heather Ashton of the University of Newcastle upon Tyne
reviewed studies on the recreational use of cannabis, its potency, and impact
on the body and brain. Professor
Ashton reported that cannabis affects almost every body system.
It combines many of the properties of alcohol, tranquilizers, opiates
and hallucinogens. (“British
Journal of Psychiatry.” Reuters,
Feb. 1, 2001.)
In
a 1992 study of 97 Cannabis strains, DeMeijer et al concluded that, short of
chemical analysis of the THC content, there was no way to distinguish between
marijuana and hemp varieties. The
two are indistinguishable by appearance.
Planting density and other production characteristics do not offer a
reliable way to distinguish varieties for law enforcement purposes. (USDA report,
“Industrial Hemp in the United States: Status and Market Potential,”
January 2000.)
Joseph A. Califano,
Jr., President, National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse, Columbia
University
AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH January
20, 2001 Mr.
President, I urge you to exercise your leadership to control this problem. I ask
that you use the bully pulpit to speak out about the dangers of drugs. I ask
that you work hard to prevent illegal sales of alcohol and tobacco, especially
sales to minors. I ask that you vigorously enforce laws against drug smuggling
and trafficking. I ask that you resume Operation PIPE or a similar program to
enforce the federal anti-drug paraphernalia statute, 21 U.S.C. § 863. On my home page on the World Wide Web, I am encouraging people to become involved. From the responses I have received, it is clear that in this country and around the world, broad coalitions of physicians, consumer advocates, attorneys, law enforcement officials, parents, educators, and others have expressed concern about the illegal sale of alcohol, tobacco, drugs, and drug paraphernalia in cyberspace, and they have asked their governments to come up with a solution. Mr. President, those of us who care most about this problem ask that you take action, especially for the sake of the children of America and throughout the world. Respectfully, Steven Gersten (Steven Gersten, Esq., is the chairman of the Drug Watch International Internet Committee.)
As well-documented in "The Success of Tough Drug Enforcement" (Robert E. Peterson, January 1996), there is a near-perfect inverse proportion (beginning in 1960) between the rate of incarceration and the rate of crime. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report dated May 2000, two thirds of convicted jail inmates were actively involved with drugs prior to their admission to jail. Over half said they had used drugs in the month before the offense, and 36.6 percent were under the influence at the time of the offense. Addiction is a public health issue, but the behavior of people under the influence of drugs is very often criminal, and individuals are in jail for those acts, not their drug use. As necessary as treatment is to help drug users regain a normal life, it alone is not a solution. It should also be noted that studies from UCLA have found nearly identical success rates for coerced treatment as for voluntary entry. Mandatory minimum sentencing rules were created because of misuse of judicial discretion. Mandatory minimums prevent a defendant in Florida with a couple of kilos of cocaine from getting probation, while a defendant in North Carolina with the same amount and circumstances gets 10 to 15 years. Congress wisely set minimum penalties and left the judges discretion at the upper end for special circumstances. Mandatory minimums assure racial equality in sentencing. No longer can a young minority male with no father apprehended with a kilo of cocaine and no financial resources for high-priced attorneys stand before the bar of justice and be sentenced differently than the young white male whose father assures the judge that, if the judge allows probation for his son, he, the father, will guarantee that his son will be enrolled at Yale within the month! Mandatory minimums reduce the potential for unjustified judicial sentencing disparities. Prevention is the only possible solution to the drug problem. We must find a way to rear two drug-free generations. That would effectively end drug use in our society. Law enforcement serves three purposes in the drug effort. First, it exacts a high price from those who would profit from the misery and addiction of others, e.g., loss of freedom and seizure of their undeserved profit. Second, it keeps potential drug users from falling prey to drugs by virtue of their fear of arrest and the embarrassment of being caught. Third, it shepherds drug users/addicts into treatment through laws and drug courts that offer treatment as an alternative to incarceration. Few people seek treatment without the impetus of a significant event, such as arrest, to propel them to that decision. Sadly, treatment is what happens when all else fails. Prevention, treatment, education, and enforcement are equally necessary.
This page was last updated on September 04, 2002 |