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Drug Watch International DRUG WATCH WORLD NEWS
AUSTRALIA
— AN UPDATE Since 1985, harm reduction has been the lead policy in Australian drug policy. It is clear that this policy has done nothing to reduce drug use. The latest statistics from the Australian 1998 National
Household Survey demonstrate an alarming increase in drug use across the
population and particularly with our young people. Some highlights include: ·
Teenagers recently using heroin increased from 0.6 percent in 1995
to 1 percent in 1998. ·
Teenagers recently using marijuana increased
from 20 percent in 1995 to 35 percent in 1998. The largest increase in recent
use of marijuana was with adolescent girls where the increase was 18 percentage
points. · Teenagers who had ever used marijuana increased from 36 percent in 1995 to 45 percent in 1998. Parents and community members throughout Australia are now mobilising to attempt to reduce drug use in their communities. In June of this year, a number of Non-Governmental Organizations combined to stage a drug summit in New South Wales State Parliament. Some 20 organisations sponsored the Summit, an extremely successful event. The Prime Minister, John Howard, sent a supportive opening address to be read on his behalf. Over 180 Australian delegates attended, including many politicians from various states. Quite a few of the MPs responsible for blocking injecting rooms in Canberra and Victoria were in attendance. Representing Drug Watch International was Jack Gilligan, Ph.D., from the United States. Also in attendance were Malou Lindholm, former member of the EU, Borge Dahl, a treatment specialist from Sweden, and drs. Frans Koopmans from Holland. National speakers represented the best in drug treatment, ethics, and prevention from around Australia. The attention paid by the media to the three-day summit was significant. The events were profiled in many of the papers in Sydney and other states. Our Swedish speaker was asked to write a one-page open letter in the Telegraph, the tabloid with the largest circulation in Sydney. This type of press coverage meant that the issue of “harm prevention,” as opposed to “harm reduction,” was out before the general public. There has been a small but vocal lobby in Australia calling to implement shooting galleries. On the eve of the injecting room votes in Canberra, Australia’s capital, and Victoria, a delegation from the United Nations International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) visited Australia. An extract of their report of their visit states: “The
Board...underlines its conviction that injecting rooms will not contribute to
the reduction of drug abuse and trafficking.
The Board is particularly concerned that some of those authorities
propagating this approach clearly see it as a further step toward their aim of
making the non medical use of narcotic drugs and psychotic substances legal.” The attempt
to establish shooting galleries in Canberra failed when it was blocked by two
independent members of parliament. Similarly,
in Victoria, the attempt to muster the necessary support failed when the Liberal
Party voted unanimously not to support the move. Australia is at a crossroads. Its people have to choose whether to stand up and demand a less permissive drug policy, or to slide further into the harm reduction mire by continuing to support the current failed drug policy, which is now seeking to implement shooting galleries and other drug-enabling policies. Based on the positive events over the past three months, it appears that Australians are now realising that there is a superior policy, one that will protect our children – and that policy is the one that embraces drug prevention and rehabilitation.
Dealing with over 3 million serious addicts in the United States is a huge enigma. For some time, methadone has been used for opiate addicts with mixed results. On the horizon is the use of a new agent, buprenorphine, which may be helpful in reducing drug craving in addicts without some of the abuse and addiction problems associated with methadone. A federal move exists to streamline the ability of physicians to provide buprenorphine. This has been advanced through a process largely of tagging onto the methamphetamine legislation through S486, HR 2987, and HR 2634. Unfortunately, there are some major problems that exist with the legislation as drafted. These problems include: Delivery system: Qualifications of physicians: Hopefully, our lawmakers will slow down and create a framework which does not backfire and create more problems than it solves.
Each day I
become more saddened by the direction my country is taking in dealing with its
ever-increasing drug problem. The Canadian government has adopted a misguided
approach and is basically doing nothing. Intense
pressure from harm reductionists has fostered the attitude that Canadians should
give up and learn to live with drugs. “Harm
reduction" is a term co-opted by individuals and organizations that
advocate “drugs on demand,” i.e., open drug use with no prohibiting laws.
The harm reduction movement is international and plays a significant role
in increased drug use. It is financed by a small number of wealthy and
influential individuals, plus tax dollars. How did this
happen in Canada? When the Federal
Liberal Party came to power, it first legalized marijuana hemp and then passed
the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. The
Act made possession of 30 grams of marijuana (60-100 joints) a non-indictable
offence, i.e., a fine upon conviction, but no traceable record.
In other words, de facto decriminalization of marijuana possession. The Act also
gave extraordinary and unchecked powers to the Health Minister, who can
arbitrarily revise the list of illegal substances in the Act and can exempt
individuals from drug possession prosecution for claimed but unproven medical
“necessity.” He has exempted at
least 35 users. Additionally,
Canada’s Senators are appointed by the Prime Minister for life or until age
75, whichever comes first. This
non-elected Senate has wide legislative powers and is preparing legislation to
be presented to the House of Commons to decriminalize possession of all illegal
drugs. In Toronto, Ontario, on May 13, 1988, a 16-year-old boy disappeared
after taking LSD at a rock concert and was later found drowned in Lake Ontario.
The public was outraged. Parents
demanded that Canada’s drug problem be brought under control.
Federal, provincial, and municipal governments agreed, as did the media,
and the parent movement began to grow. Over
the next decade, teen drug use declined from over 30 percent to 17 percent.
Then, the permissive philosophy of “harm reduction” was introduced into
Canada. Almost overnight, things
changed. The media embraced “harm
reduction,” and the government’s attitude toward drug use started softening.
How bad have things become? Canada is now a marijuana-exporting nation, with
25 percent of its marijuana going to the western United States. Organized crime
in Canada smuggles the chemicals required to produce methamphetamine into the
United States, where they are traded for enough LSD to supply Canada.
Crime syndicates control Canadian drug markets, and turf wars have
erupted. Officials fear a blood
bath in the province of Ontario between two rival drug-dealing motorcycle gangs.
Ecstasy (MDMA) has become a serious drug problem. Several years ago, I was involved in an effort to warn
government and law enforcement about the coming problem of rave parties and
Ecstasy. Those warnings fell on
deaf ears. In the last 18 months in
Toronto alone, 12 people have died from Ecstasy-related deaths, a fact which
does not seem to concern those in power. At
a recent inquest into the Ecstasy-related death of a 20-year-old at a rave
party, it was recommended to let raves flourish and rely on education to
decrease the use of Ecstasy. If not
checked, Ecstasy will soon replace marijuana as the most commonly used drug of
abuse in Canada. Where will
these permissive attitudes toward drug use end?
The future looks ominous for Canada.
What a sad commentary on our times.
Contemporary Drug Policy was written by Eric A. Voth,
M.D., FACP, Chairman, The International Drug Strategy Institute, and Ambassador
Melvyn Levitsky of Syracuse University, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public
Affairs. It was published on
January 21, 2000, in the Northwestern University Journal of International
Policy. Because of the length of
this important paper, Drug Watch World News is publishing it in three parts.
Part Two follows. The International Scene The United States
made steady progress in reducing drug use through the eighties and early
nineties; despite a disturbing increase in teenage drug use since 1992, overall
drug use is down in this country. Unfortunately the trend is not as encouraging
in some other countries. In particular, cocaine use in Europe and Russia is
steadily rising as increasing U.S. resistance has turned the traffickers’ eyes
to the European market traditionally a high-use heroin area. Policy shifts that
have entailed higher tolerance of so-called soft drugs have resulted in huge
increases in drug use. Holland has suffered an increase in marijuana use since
the softening of their marijuana policy. The
Dutch are also now one of the major exporters of Ecstasy (MDMA). Several
countries are considering accepting marijuana for medicinal purposes despite
clear evidence of problems associated with smoking for medicinal applications.
Since the liberalization of the marijuana enforcement policies, Holland has
found that marijuana use among 11-18 year olds has increased 142% from
1990-1995. Crime has risen steadily to the point that aggravated theft and
breaking and entering occurs 3-4 times more than in the United States. Australia is also
suffering widespread drug policy activism geared toward softening drug policy.
As a result of such soft policy changes, major problems are developing. This is
most dramatically represented in comparison to Sweden, a country that employs a
successful restrictive drug policy (figure 1). Lifetime prevalence of drug use
in Australia in 16-29 year olds is 52% as compared to 9% in Sweden, a country
with restrictive drug policy. This difficult situation is not cause to abandon
our international efforts. For one thing over the past ten years more countries
have come to realize that drug trafficking and abuse are not just an American
issue and that their own societies are suffering the consequences of their
previous denial that they had a problem. European countries are now more
vigorous in their efforts abroad both bilaterally and through UN programs, often
in cooperation with the U.S. The body of international law, particularly the
1988 Anti-Trafficking convention that the United States sponsored and pressed
forward, has brought a stronger anti-drug ethic to international affairs, which
only outlaws and outlaw states ignore. The UN Drug Control Program has become
more pervasive and effective and even formerly resistant agencies like the World
Bank and the UN Development Program are beginning to understand that drugs
undermine development as well as democracy.
Increasingly the illegal drug trade is seen by a number of governments as a national security threat, which attacks the moral fiber of society and undermines civil institutions. This is particularly true in our hemisphere, which is at once the host to major drug trafficking organizations and the victim of their activities. A closer look at the situation in the Americas is warranted.
By the end of 1999, the total number of Americans in jails and prisons surpassed two million for the first time. The long-forecasted figure marks a threshold that has been seized upon by those who would decriminalize harmful drugs to make the rhetorical case that the “drug wars” have failed, other than to imprison multitudes for the essentially victimless crime of enjoying an illicit substance. That charge, a mixture of sophistry, myth, and polemic, is wrong on all counts. The use of the term “drug war” is an old refrain, used to conjure up visions of street-scene battlefields depicting weapons as the major tool in the anti-drug arsenal. Notably, the National Drug Control Strategy explicitly rejects the notion of a war and emphasizes treatment and prevention as the keys to reducing drug abuse in America. Supply reduction is also a part of the strategy, but it is the drug traffickers who are the focus, not the addict or the “casual” user. So too is the descriptor “failure” a stretch. In 1982, there were 5.7 million casual users of cocaine in America (at a time when at least one Harvard “expert” was decreeing cocaine “non-addictive”). Today that number is now 1.7 million, down by 70 percent. In 1979, over 14 percent of the population were “current” users of illegal drugs; that figure now sits at six percent, down by over half. To characterize such results as failure is akin to walking away from the fight against illiteracy because some people remain illiterate. And what of the notion of otherwise peaceable citizens, guilty of nothing more than smoking a toke in the quiet of their homes, placed for endless years behind bars? A recent report (August 2000) by the Justice Department found that allegation to be false. Indeed, the data contradict the assertion that the increase of prisoners stems from drug arrests. Of last year’s increase (at 3.4 percent the lowest since 1979), over half resulted from convictions for violent crimes. Another third were a result of property crimes and “other crimes.” Less than one in five were incarcerated as a result of drug arrests. Of those
incarcerated for drug arrests, most are repeat offenders with other serious
crimes on their rap sheet. Simple
possession is seldom the driving force behind sentencing.
In 1998, for example, of the
approximately 100,000 prisoners in the federal system, only 33 individuals
sentenced for federal drug crimes involving marijuana were convicted for base
offense levels involving less than 5,000 grams.
In the same time period, 1,299 were convicted for marijuana offenses
involving between 100,000 and 3,000,000 grams. My
own state of Florida shows similar data. Of
the more than 68,000 prisoners in the corrections system (as of July 1999), only
40 were there for a primary offense of marijuana possession.
All of them had previous criminal histories – many for cocaine and
other drug offenses, some with violent offenses such as homicide, aggravated
battery, and armed robbery. Of the
40, over 60 percent had been in prison before.
All of the others had prior probation sentences, and over 80 percent of
them had violated their probation for offenses, including concealed weapons,
resisting arrest, burglary, grand theft, and so on.
Indeed, the Department of Justice reports that the national increase in
prisoners during the 1990s comes largely from revocation of parole for technical
violations. So
should we legalize dangerous drugs?
James Q. Wilson makes a convincing case that doing so would cause the
consumption of drugs to increase dramatically (he cites the experience of
Britain and Holland). While the
average user might commit fewer crimes, the total number of crimes committed by
a larger population of drug abusers would go up, as many who could not hold a
steady job would turn to crime to provide their incomes and support their
habits. As it is today, 60 to 80
percent of all crime in America is related to substance abuse, virtually none of
which is “victimless.” Drug
addiction is seldom voluntarily admitted. An
addict normally seeks treatment only when coerced – by a spouse or parent, but
more normally by a judge or probation officer.
It is no surprise that drug courts offer the best records of successful
treatment. When the choice is stay
clean or go to jail, greater numbers stay clean.
Interestingly, prisoners receiving treatment cite the drug laws as either
about right or too lenient. So the claim of the legalizers that we have only the drug wars to blame for the record numbers of prisoners is a canard. We do have drugs to blame for crime, and the proper response is to break the cycle between addiction and crime, not to pretend there is no linkage between one and the other.
Time Magazine did a cover article on Ecstasy and raves in its June 5,2000, issue, which described the extreme effects Ecstasy has on the human brain and noted the dozens of deaths among rave attendees caused by the drug. But then it came to the unfortunate and irresponsible conclusion that Ecstasy "has few negative consequences" and "...it appears to be a safer drug than heroin and cocaine...and appears to have more potentially therapeutic benefits." It went on to describe controlled rave settings where users are guaranteed pure unadulterated Ecstasy for their protection! Ecstasy has serious negative consequences, and raves are not safe places. Below are the facts. Ecstasy is a neurotoxic drug, taken in pill form, which causes brain cells to disgorge all of their serotonin in a rush. It has both stimulant and psychedelic effects. It's popularity has risen simultaneously with that of "raves" which are all-night dance marathons where users take the drug to feel “high” and affectionate and to keep themselves going until daybreak. "Are you rolling" ravers are asked, and if they answer, "no," they are offered Ecstasy to get them "rolling." Raves usually are an underground activity held in abandoned warehouses or other empty buildings, or in remote outdoor areas with the venue moving from week to week. Young people learn of raves through the Internet, by word of mouth, or by passing out colorful flyers with rave information. Sometimes teens pass a telephone number around to call to find out where a rave will be held. Although Ecstasy and raves have traditionally gone together, pushers are now dumping large quantities of Ecstasy on the market, and police are discovering the drug in schools and at non-rave get-togethers. In the early 1990s, Ecstasy was not yet on the radar screen. Abuse of marijuana, heroin, LSD, cocaine, and methamphetamine were all down from previous decades, and it appeared that a large block of American youth was "just saying no." Unfortunately, a sea-change in attitude toward drugs swept over the nation's youth during the 1990s, and this past decade has seen a frightening rise in the use of many drugs, including Ecstasy. Nearly 8 percent of high school seniors have used Ecstasy, and in isolated areas use is much higher. Ecstasy is a methamphetamine compound known chemically as MDMA, and its street names are XTC, X, e, Adam, Clarity, and Lover's Speed. Its appeal appears to be that it makes users feel warm and affectionate toward others. Some have referred to Ecstasy as "the hug drug." However, the harm of Ecstasy cannot be overstated. Its use can increase body temperature as high as 110°, causing muscle breakdown, kidney and cardiovascular system failure, heart attack, seizure, and in some cases, death. Emergency rooms surveyed in 1998 reported more than 1,000 Ecstasy visits due to dehydration or psychological trauma. The high of Ecstasy lasts from three to six hours, but some users have suffered confusion, depression, sleep problems, anxiety, and paranoia for weeks after the drug is taken. There are tell-tale signs that youths are headed for a rave where Ecstasy and other drugs are passed around. Ravers often wear wide-bottom jeans, or trousers, or brightly colored clothes. They carry glowsticks, water bottles (to keep the Ecstasy from de-hydrating them), and lollipops or pacifiers to soften the involuntary teeth-clenching that follows Ecstasy use. Flyers with twists on corporate logos (e.g., MasterCard becomes MasterRave) with 3-D images and electric hues announce raves. There seems to be reluctance on the part of law enforcement to crack down on raves and the sale of Ecstasy at them, and far too many parents are willing to cave in and allow their youngsters to attend raves. All need to overcome this reluctance, because Ecstasy kills.
The discussion in the Netherlands about further decriminalization of the cultivation and sale of cannabis plants has risen to the forefront in the past few months. Attention was focused on the problem by some parliamentarians who advocate semi-legalized delivery of Nederwiet (marijuana). A policy already exists by which a coffeeshop may sell up to five grams of cannabis without being prosecuted as long as the shop abides by certain rules: no advertising, no hard drugs, no disturbance of the public order, no selling to youngsters under the age of 18, and no wholesale trade quantities. Because the “front door” is semi-legal, drug criminals have no hold there; however, the “back door” delivery of cannabis is illegal, still in secret, and in the hands of hardened criminals. Some parliamentarians want to end the hypocrisy and allow “back door” trade. They feel that the local government and police should get a grip on the cannabis market. These parliamentarians suggest allowing delivery by selected growers of Nederwiet (marijuana), all of whom must meet specific criteria. It is unclear what the results of this further liberalized drug policy would be; however, in my opinion, this would result in more acceptance and more use. In 1996, the former Minister of Justice, Winnie Sorgdrager, said that she would respect local government initiatives to try to regulate the delivery of cannabis to coffeeshops. Last year, sixty mayors proposed an initiative to further relax restrictions on cultivation and sale of marijuana. Now the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Democratic Party, and the Greens have moved that the government develop guidelines outlining the basis upon which production and distribution of Nederwiet in coffee shops would be regulated. The Public Prosecutor, the Chief Constable, and local mayors would oversee quality control of the product, environmental compliance, and zoning. Rules would forbid exportation, control packaging, and corporate practices. The rules would also require participation in prevention programs by coffeeshop owners. Opponents of the motion included the Christian Democrats, Democrats, and the smaller Christian parties, who felt the motion bore testimony to great naiveté. They questioned the government's ability to control the proposed system and emphasized that the Netherlands is not an island unto itself. The Dutch could not implement such a program without disturbing the rest of Europe. A recent vote resulted in 73 votes for the motion and 72 against, certainly not a convincing victory. However, the minister of Justice, Benk Korthals, made it clear that the government would not implement the motion, because it would isolate the Netherlands from the international community. Korthals doubted that it was possible to implement the proposals in the motion and suggested that even the present system of limited coffeeshop sales needs more control. Those who proposed the motion were upset. One parliamentarian called it a "debunking of a democratic majority." A mayor declared that he would continue to pursue semi-legalizing back door coffeeshops, anyway. However, Prime Minister Wim Kok responded that every mayor must comply with the law and that Justice will not tolerate experiments with supply of marijuana to coffeeshops. Kok stated that the drug policy of one local community/city may not differ greatly from the drug policy of another community/city, adding that he does not want “a patchwork quilt.” He said that other countries are very sensitive to what the Netherlands is doing and that the international climate does not give the Netherlands much space to deviate from its present policy. “That space is much less than members of parliament think it is.” Kok does not want to disturb the delicate balance between the Netherlands and Europe. The camps are still divided. The illegal but tolerated sale of marijuana in coffeeshops continues and has more or less become the rule. Reversing that situation will be extremely difficult. The Netherlands has reached the limit with its liberal drug policy. Going further would lead to a government without credibility, and that is unthinkable.
Unfortunately, too many lawyers or accountants give overly cautious advice regarding lobbying by U.S. nonprofits. Some even believe that lobbying by nonprofits is illegal. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Congress and the IRS encourage lobbying by nonprofits. Congress enacted exceedingly generous provisions under the 1976 lobby law. The IRS sent the same message when it issued regulations in 1990 that supported both the spirit and the intent of the 1976 law. Together, the law and regulations send a very clear message that lobbying is not only absolutely legal, but it is also encouraged by the federal government. Nonprofits need to recognize that programs and services of almost every nonprofit are affected by legislation. To neglect the development of skills related to lobbying is shortsighted at best. Under the 1976 lobby law, you can spend 20 percent of your first $500,000 in annual expenditures on lobbying, 15 percent of the next $500,000, 10 percent of the next $500,000, and so on up to an expenditure of one million dollars. It is also important to know that under the 1976 law, lobbying never occurs unless there is an expenditure of money. Volunteers can lobby as much as they want, and it does not count as lobbying as long as the nonprofit is not picking up any of the cost for the volunteers’ lobbying. It is quite simple to file to come under the 1976 lobby law. An authorized officer signs a one-page IRS form and checks the box “election.” All nonprofits, whether they elect to come under the 1976 law or not, are required to report annually to the IRS regarding how much they spend on lobbying. Those using the 1976 lobby law are not required to include detailed descriptions of their lobbying activities, only how much is grassroots and how much is direct lobbying paid for by the organization. It is important to note that nonprofits can use general-purpose foundation grant funds to lobby, but a foundation cannot earmark funds for lobbying. Millions of volunteers of nonprofit organizations lobby, and the number will grow as more organizations elect to come under the 1976 lobby law. Lobbying is the right thing to do. Lobbying is about empowerment. It is about empowerment of the individual who, working together with others in a group, make their collective voices heard on a wide range of human concerns. Much of the social change in America had its origin in the nonprofit sector. As Brian O’Connell, president of INDEPENDENT SECTOR said, “Lobbying is sometimes a nonprofit’s best service.”
PREVENTION
IDEAS FROM AROUND THE WORLD Twice
yearly for one month, three thousand street light poles on the main avenues of
Rio de Janeiro are covered with huge banners bearing the picture of two Olympic
winners and the anti-drug message: "Take advantage of your life:
Don't use drugs!" The
banners are sponsored by WIZARD, a private language school with dozens of
schools all over the city. The
school's logo, the logo of City Hall, and the name of Rio's Drug Prevention
Bureau also appear on the banner. This is a WIN-WIN situation. WIZARD gets wide exposure and is shown to offer serious Language Courses where drug use is not approved, and this type of advertisement is tax-free. Additionally, City Hall benefits from a prominent association with the No-Drug message, and the Drug Prevention Bureau benefits from this highly visible anti-drug media campaign. Additionally, the Drug Prevention Bureau receives ONE THOUSAND one-year English course scholarships at WIZARD as soon as the banners are exhibited. These scholarships will be distributed among those students and teachers who have been outstanding in the Bureau's drug prevention activities. These beautiful drug prevention campaign banners bring excitement and joy to the residents of Rio de Janeiro who want a healthy and drug free society. For more information contact:
INTERNATIONAL
NEWS BRIEFS References available on request.
Send self-addressed, stamped envelope to:
Much of the initial success
of the early 1980s in reducing the use of alcohol and other drugs must be
attributed to the thousands of parents in that grassroots movement getting the
message out to thousands of people in cities, small towns, and local
neighborhoods that the use of alcohol and other drugs by youth was
unacceptable. (The Chemical People,
December 1983)
Aging baby boomers should
beware. Pot smoking is linked to sudden heart attacks.
A recent study found that smoking marijuana quintuples a person’s
heart attack risk for an hour after lighting up.
(Beth Israel
Deaconess Medical Center report 3/2/00)
First developed in Germany in 1912, today Ecstasy is now the fastest-growing illicit drug in the United States. It is the only illegal drug for which significant usage increases were detected last year. In the past seven months, nearly eight million pills have been seized by the U.S. Customs Service and the Drug Enforcement Administration, 20 times the number seized in all of 1998. (Karen DeYoung, Washington Post,
8/1/00)
(The Journal of Immunology, 2000, 165: 373-380)
The Medical Affairs Committee of the American
Cancer Society first took a position against endorsing legalization of
marijuana for medical use in the late 1970s.
Since then, the committee has periodically reviewed newer studies on
the issue (the last in 1997) and has consistently found insufficient evidence
to show that marijuana is more effective than other legally available drugs to
treat pain and side effects of cancer treatmen Nancy Hailpern
FROM THE DESK OF DAVID S.
NOFFS Dear Friends: With the U.S. Presidential election just around the corner, it is important that parents and concerned citizens examine the positions of their representatives regarding drug issues in order to make informed decisions in the polling booth. With this in mind, Drug Watch International has developed a questionnaire that it will send to all the Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates to solicit their views on critical drug policy issues. It is our hope that you will use the questions as a guide when you contact your own representatives at the local level. Our elected representatives should maintain a strong stance on the drug Issue, if we are to continue our steady progress over the past decade in reducing levels of illicit drug use throughout the United States. In some countries, politicians have caved into pro-legalization groups by weakening drug laws and policies under the guise of “harm reduction” or “harm minimization.” The consequences of “harm reduction” drug policies are often catastrophic in terms of increased drug use and drug related deaths. Legislators in Sydney, Australia recently approved the first injecting room despite protests from federal leaders and the International Narcotics Control Board. Rather than offering hope and recovery to addicts and improving the health of the community, injecting rooms provide a stark image of despair and slavery to drugs of addiction – a dead end approach to the drug problem that will come back to haunt the elected officials who voted to support it. In the meantime, however, the problem worsens, and overseas visitors to the Olympic Games will be treated to a gruesome example of how NOT to try to solve the drug problem. While harm reductionists and many in the media continue to sound more and more like "Tokyo Rose" with their "The War on Drugs has Failed" mantra, figures actually support the opposite. In reality, it is “harm reduction” that has failed, and while drug use has steadily declined over the past decade in the United States, it has risen dramatically over the same period in Australia, a country which seems helpless to unshackle itself from its own decade long experiment into “harm minimization.” Make sure your elected representatives understand that we do not want to adopt failed policies from overseas and that we wish to continue using successful drug laws and policies to reduce the drug problem in our communities. Find out if they will support adequate funding for prevention, treatment, law enforcement, and interdiction. Have they heard of “harm reduction”? If they understand what it is, do they subscribe to it? How do they view drug legalization gateway strategies, such as marijuana cigarettes for medicine and needle handouts? Where do they stand on hemp products, and lastly, what do they think about the performance of the President's Office of National Drug Control Policy and its Drug Czar? The answers to these questions will help determine a candidate's ability to provide leadership in the war on drugs at a critical juncture in our history. It is our responsibility as citizens to make sure our leaders have what it takes to protect the future of this great nation. Questions
to our Presidential Candidates The following questions were developed by the Drug
Watch International Board of Directors. Please give us your views and underlying reasoning regarding each of the
following questions or discussion items: 1. Please discuss your views
on the appropriateness of the total amount of funding budgeted to fight drug
use and that of its component parts: prevention/education,
treatment, law enforcement, and supply interdiction. 2. What should be done to
reduce the drug use in America through laws, sentencing practices, and policy
initiatives, and which principles should these efforts be guided by?
3. What are your views
regarding "harm reduction" approaches to drug use, such as needle
exchange programs, and should drug prevention/education programs teach drug
abstinence, or should they teach "harm reduction"? 4. What are your views
regarding smoking marijuana as medicine, as opposed to the pill or capsule
form THC medicine already available through prescription? 5. Should "industrial
marijuana/hemp" be legalized so that it can be grown by American farmers?
Why or why not? 6. What role should the
President's leadership play in fighting illegal drugs?
What would you do to reduce drug abuse?
Would you give any additional responsibilities to the nation's drug
czar and the Office of National Drug Control Policy? Thank you very much for sharing your views with us.
This page was last updated on September 04, 2002 |